Monday

Be with you

As I was about to sleep, my tita turned on the telly and it was accidentally tuned to BBC One Radio. On the air was playing a song by Enrique Iglesias. I have heard this song before, probably way back in college. As I was listening to the lyrics, it has never had this profound effect on me as it had now. Bloody song, almost made me wanna punch the wall. Now I know, it is really my fault.





Monday night I feel so low
Count the hours they go so slow
I know the sound of your voice
Can save my soul
City lights, streets of gold

Look out my window to the world below
Moves so fast and it feels so cold
And I'm all alone

Don't let me die
I'm losing my mind
Baby just give me a sing

And now that you're gone
I just wanna be with you
And I can't go on
I wanna be with you
Wanna be with you

I can't sleep and I'm up all night
Through these tears I try to smile
I know the touch of your hand
Can save my life

Don't let me down
Come to me now
I got to be with you some how

[Repeat Chorus]

And now that you're gone
Who am I without you now
I can't go on
I just wanna be with you

[Repeat Chorus]

Sunday

The TAU KAPPAN's Story

(Re-written based on Bro. Jun S. Pablo's "The Tau’s Story: A Past Revisited”)


Imagine a ravaged and battered woman. Abandoned. Emaciated from famine. Terrified of an uncertain future.

Manila was more than that when the young Gregorio S. Turiano reached its confines immediately following the liberation. The war was over but its wide canvass was still filled with grim and gripping reminders of man’s vileness. Order and rehabilitation were visibly the government’s greatest challenges.

With all the dreary sights around and the economy in shambles, the young Gregorio S. Turiano still seemed unperturbed. He smiled like it’s Sunday morning. He was buoyed with the idea of entering a law school. But then, he needed a job. His meager budget then can only sustain him for a few weeks. He comforted himself that in case fate would be unkind: he would just sell newspapers, a job well known to him as a young boy from Iriga City. However, luck was on his side. After an impressive display of his typing skills, gained from his job as a dispatcher, he was given a job at the Quezon City Hall.

In the Far Eastern University (FEU) where he enrolled in law school, he gained fast the respect and admiration of his classmates. He was a consistent class president and became a captain of the Institute of Law’s debating team.

During that time, there exist a fraternity that established a chapter in the Institute of Law, however it is composed mostly of law students coming from and fully supported by their rich families. These elite practically controlled all social, political and extra curricular activities hence, the poor self-supporting students who comprised the majority of the then law students decided to do something about it.

There is a need for the creation of an association which would embody the ideals and needs responsive to the greater mass of common students who have been shut out of the elitist and exclusivistic student societies of the Far Eastern university, thus with the help of 17 other pioneers, Gregorio S. Turiano officially founded THE COMMONER’S FRATERNITY in 1948 and the young Gregorio S. Turiano was elected as the first Grand Chancellor. It became Tau Kappa Phi because Greek letters were substituted to each starting letter of the three words.

The 17 pioneers includes Bro. Jaime Alegre, Bro. Gregorio Abad, Bro. Francisco Llamas, Bro. Domin de Lara, Bro. Peping Felipe, Bro. Roy Andal, Bro. Conrado, G.C. Mama Sinsuat, Bro. Andres Maglipon, Bro. Valerio Peralta, Bro. Cesar Y. Alzona, Bro. Moreto Enncarnacio, Bro. Antonio Reyes, G.C. Isaac Eceta and Bro. Leonardo Alcid.

Our pioneers, as described by Bro. De Ocampo, were the disinherited and the dispossessed, the motivation for the birth of our fraternity was “resentment of, and rebellion against, the then existing order which favored the affluent, the privileged and the elite.”

Thus, the reasons behind and conditions surrounding its establishment guaranteed it with all kinds of distress and challenges especially from its haughty contemporaries. In the eyes and shoulders of the other law students then were clearly etched: You shall fail. All thought that its initial adherents would quickly dwindle. And like a leaf, the organization will wither away. Even the pioneers had some misgivings. They felt uneasy and were filled with doubts with their action.

But our pioneers remain bold and undaunted. Their apprehensions and fears overcome when they slowly gained acceptance by the administration and a few adherents. G.C. Turiano knew it all along. It can be done! As he said, “How could we not? We were the brightest students. Most of us were even working.”

With their impressive scholastic standing and excellent orators and debaters, they plodded through the narrow paths for their existence. Their unity and united defiance defied the people and the times. And they knew the only way they can sustain the organization is by earning the respect of everyone. In this vein, the policy was born: only neophytes with a weighted academic average of 80% and above were accepted. Once admitted to the fraternity, every member was required to maintain the prescribed grade until graduation. Those who failed were dropped from the roster of members. Further, certain moral standards were also prescribed.

In the following year, their acceptance was complete. Eventually, even some of the members of the rival fraternity transferred to the fold of the Tau Kappa Phi. A good battle was waged and won. The only difficulties then that remained were the securing of places for meetings and the screening of many applicants.Their initiation rites were held inside the FEU campus. In the first stage, neophytes were asked questions on law subjects and his moral background. If the applicant failed in this examination, he is automatically disqualified. If he passed, the psychological test was applied. The usual ordeal was that the neophyte is blindfolded and is made to listen to the pleading cries of other neophytes ordered to stimulate outbursts of pain and suffering. The neophytes, after reaching the edge of the top of the building or the top floors of the Institute of Law, were blindfolded and ordered to jump not knowing that they no longer at the edge of the building or at the top floor. Some remembered seeing neophytes to have pissed on their pants after so much fright and shock during this stage.

G.C. Turiano fondly remembered an incident where a neophyte was commanded to deliver a gumamela flower to a pretty lady in a dormitory with an accompanying script. The girl exclaimed that she did not have a boyfriend, threw the flower and berated the neophyte for his impertinence. He left without a word. When he was already a full pledged member, he visited the girl ostensibly to aopologize. As a smooth-talking future lawyer, this Tau Kappan member did not apologize. Later in a fraternity social, he introduced the lady as his girlfriend. Since then, the y surmised that membership in the Tau Kappa Phi can be a quick way to a woman’s heart. It also signaled the staging of serenades at the ladies dorms at the university belt. If a lady being courted by a brod was inclined to disapprove of him of that if chances of a brod were not as good as those of the other suitors of a lady, lovely serenades were applied either for approval or to up one’s chances. There were no other groups or individuals who serenaded the dormitories during those times. Thus, when kundimans and love songs were sang in husky yet harmonious renditions in front of a dorm, the residents inside and of those nearby instantly knew that it was the Tau Kappans, again. There could be no other serenaders, as dense and as daring as our brods in the late forties and early fifties.

Not much was told about the 1950’s, but it was shared by Bro. Judge Candido Villanueva that the Tau Kappan traditions were intact when he became a member. When he was initiated, the thougest test was in memorizing the names of “masters”. The same psychological ordeals were implemented plus the neophytes were made to say the names loudly and repeatedly of all those who attended to his acceptance. It was told that three great “terrors” were well-remembered by neophytes namely G.C.’s Yap, Ambal and Santiago.

Generally, this era can be characterized as a period where the brods’ attention were only focused in getting high grades and early graduation. Campus politics was not a priority, but the recruitment continued on an average scale.

The 1960’s was different. G.C. Pete Castillo recounted that at the time he entered the Tau Kappa, he was only on eof two who survived a five-day initiation conducted by the brods. Thus, when he became the Grand Chancellor, he reverted to the old method of acceptance. They shunned from student politics and other activities in the campus but not in the oratorical and debating teams where the brods excelled.

In the 70’s, precedents were set. Bro. Ciriaco V. Taguinin became the Grand Chancellor for three (3) years. In 1972, he was re-elected without any opposition. Then, he was given a blanket authority to just appoint all the other officers upon motion by Bro. Florante Dris which was approved by the brods unanimously. To please all, he appointed two brods for each position. With the proclamation of martial law, all assemblies and organizations were banned. Clandestine meetings were thus held. Recruitment suffered. It was agreed that G.C. Taguinin’s leadership be extended. The nest year, the Silver Jubilee was held and the expenses were mainly shouldered by Taguinin out of the proceeds of a sale of land in his hometown. So great was the devotion of G.C. Taguinin that he, himself, was not able to finish his studies.

The next year, the three-year reign of G.C. Taguinin ended with the election of G.C. Nap Espiritu. He was also unopposed. Bro. Rene Pagapong sent shivers among its inductees because of his broad shoulders and bulging stomach. Psychological tests remained the main course in the fraternity’s ritual of acceptance.

The new batch of officers revitalized the fraternity with greater cohesiveness and more time in attending to the recruitment of new members. Closer ties were also developed with the professors of the Institute. Not one brod got a failing grade during Espiritus’s chancellorship. It was also said that whenever the brods would want the classes to be suspended, each one of the brods would just invite some professors for a drink. All campus activities were controlled and revolved within the Tau Kappa Phi’s plans and programs.

With the remarkable consolidation that was staged in the 1970’s, it was natural to expect that the 1980’s be the peak of the Tau Kappa Phi’s dominance. G.C. Garing, the back-to-back oratorical champion of the university during the time of Dean Neptali Gonzales, served as the first Grand Chancellor for this era. By 1985, popular election and representation were restored mainly through the efforts of G.C. Sammy Divina and President Danny Cunanan. Not only did our dominance in the student council elections maintained that year after year but the membership of the fraternity also swelled tremendously.

This era also saw the emergence of a new breed of leaders. G.C. Divina described it as “the decade wherein the Grand Chancellors were characterized by a high political consciousness and a large following among its members. Thus, during the time of G.C. Barrameda, a “Kapihan sa Morayta” was even held were political personalities and legal luminaries were invited. Further, The Lex Forum was established by G.C. Divina. The Tau Kappa Phi’s number, at one time, reached a record of 165 resident brods, with G.C. Caloy Borromeo recruiting twenty five (25) neophytes in one speaking engagement. G.C. Jimenez also revived during this period the fraternity’s publication, The Common Voice. But this was also the time when the “longest day” ordeal was introduced. To this day, it is still being implemented even with the enactment of the Anti-Hazing Law.

In the 1990’s, Grand Chancellors emphasized the importance of the fraternity’s existence and that its membership can only be maintained if the brods hold on to their dominance in campus politics, in the academics and even in sports. It was instilled among the resident brods that they were duty bound to preserve the good name and reputation of the organization. And never to relinquish the seat of power that brods in the 1980’s had tenaciously and commandingly held.

The victory of Bro. Atty. Ruel Canobas in the Student Council Presidency and by Bro. Atty. Liberato Amante the following year was thus predictable. Brods were effectively mobilized for the campaign period up to the time of the election in full attendance. Such feat was, however, not repeated in 1995 when Bro. Atty. Manny Sandicho lost nby only eight votes. At that time, brods who choose not to vote were thirteen (13). It was a bitter defeat, a lesson that was handed down year after year during election tim eto ensure that all brods are present in the exercise. For G.C. Raymund De Lemos, a political strategist of the fraternity, it was also a personal defeat. He vowed that never again shall he endure the pain and agony of losing. The next year, G.C. Joel Villanueva regained the much coveted post. He was succeeded by Bro. Winfred “Yags” Bartolome and in 1998, it was Bro. Atty. Jaime “Jimmy” Umlas winning by a margin of twelve (12) votes.

The 90’s is also especially remembered because of Bro. Atty. Liberato Amante’s coping of the fifth place in the 1996 Bar Examinations. It was in 1997 that a staunch campaign against the proposed policies (maintenance of a quality point index and maximum residency rule) of the new administration officials in the Institute of Law was launch by Bro. Winfred “Yags” Bartolome, with the strong backing from the fraternity, against Dean Bonifacio Andres, the then newly appointed Dean of Institute of Law. A series of consultations and petition-signing were conducted. The present administration then was forced to call a dialogue with the studentry to stymie the growing restlessness of the law students.

On the same year after the 1997 Bar Operations, G.C. Engel Rey M. Abalos resigned as Grand Chancellor for religious reasons. G.C. Belmi V. Magno took over. It was already November then, less than five months to the holding of the 50th Golden Anniversary of the fraternity. G.C. Belmi knew the tremendous tasks that lied ahead and the grandness of the year. With a hands-on style of leadership, simple planning and all around visibility in the committees created for the holding of the momentous occasion, G.C. Belmi impressed on every resident member the importance of everyone’s share in the overall task of making a successful and memorable celebration of the Tau Kappa Phi’s 50th year anniversary. He tried it all: from delivery boy in the solicitations to being a traveling buddy in visits made to alumni brothers, be it in the metropolis of in the provinces.

The Far Eastern Law Review, after a three-year hiatus, came out in 1998. Brods were proud that at the helm of the editorial board was also a Tau Kappan, the only working student in the group, Bro. Alexis Escobedo and Bro. Almiro Amante.

Looking back, we can fairly state that we had grown steadily and stronger through the years. We never failed the dreams and goals of our founding fathers. The Tau Kappans remained true to their fraternal creed and worth as noble men.

G.C. Turiano left a lasting gift to the Far Eastern University – Institute of Law: the Tau Kappan Legacy. In his words, it was “a seed that he planted not knowing that it will become a robust tree someday.”

About our founding fathers:

1. G.C. Gregorio S. Turiano - became a city judge of Iriga City
2. Bro. Jaime Alegre - became a judge in Vinzons, Camarines Norte
3. Bro. Gregorio Abad - became an ambassador to Australia and New Zealand
4. Bro. Francisco Llamas - became a Pasay City Judge
5. Bro. Domin de Lara - became a partner of Quasha Law Office
6. Bro. Peping Felipe – he was with DBP
7. Bro. Roy Andal – was an officer of the Armed Forces of the Philippines
8. Bro. Conrado Crucillo – was with the National Power Corporation
9. G.C. Mama Sinsuat – was the President of Muslim Directorate for several times and became a commissioner of the Commission for National Integration
10. Bro. Andres Maglipon
11. Bro. Valerio Peralta – was the Counsel of the Magsaysays in Zambales. He became well-known for his handling of Barretto vs. Magsaysay, People vs. Mallorca (a precedent) and People vs. Pizarro.
12. Bro. Cesar Y. Alzona – the one who made our fraternity seal.
13. Bro. Moreto Encarnacion – the owner of Batu-Bato Resort in Pansol, Laguna
14. Bro. Antonio Reyes
15. G.C. Isaac Eceta – became the second Grand Chancellor
16. Bro. Leonardo Alcid

- Other pioneer names in the past issue of Common Voice based on interviews were Bros. Gabriel Valle, Justice Mama Busran and Quirino Catral.

NOTE: This history was re-written based on the article written by Bro. Jun S. Pablo entitled “The Tau’s Story: A Past Revisited”, The Common Voice Golden Edition.

Friday

Barack Obama's First State of the Nation Address





"We will rebuild, we will recover"


President Obama: Thank you very much.

Madam Speaker, Mr. Vice President, members of Congress, and the first lady of the United States, who's around here somewhere.

I have come here tonight not only to address the distinguished men and women in this great chamber, but to speak frankly and directly to the men and women who sent us here.

I know that for many Americans watching right now, the state of our economy is a concern that rises above all others, and rightly so. If you haven't been personally affected by this recession, you probably know someone who has: a friend, a neighbor, a member of your family.

You don't need to hear another list of statistics to know that our economy is in crisis, because you live it every day. It's the worry you wake up with and the source of sleepless nights. It's the job you thought you'd retire from but now have lost, the business you built your dreams upon that's now hanging by a thread, the college acceptance letter your child had to put back in the envelope.

The impact of this recession is real, and it is everywhere.

But while our economy may be weakened and our confidence shaken, though we are living through difficult and uncertain times, tonight I want every American to know this: We will rebuild, we will recover, and the United States of America will emerge stronger than before.

The weight of this crisis will not determine the destiny of this nation. The answers to our problems don't lie beyond our reach. They exist in our laboratories and our universities, in our fields and our factories, in the imaginations of our entrepreneurs and the pride of the hardest-working people on Earth.

Those qualities that have made America the greatest force of progress and prosperity in human history we still possess in ample measure. What is required now is for this country to pull together, confront boldly the challenges we face, and take responsibility for our future once more.

Now, if we're honest with ourselves, we'll admit that for too long we have not always met these responsibilities, as a government or as a people. I say this not to lay blame or to look backwards, but because it is only by understanding how we arrived at this moment that we'll be able to lift ourselves out of this predicament.

The fact is, our economy did not fall into decline overnight. Nor did all of our problems begin when the housing market collapsed or the stock market sank.

We have known for decades that our survival depends on finding new sources of energy, yet we import more oil today than ever before.

The cost of health care eats up more and more of our savings each year, yet we keep delaying reform.

Our children will compete for jobs in a global economy that too many of our schools do not prepare them for.

And though all of these challenges went unsolved, we still managed to spend more money and pile up more debt, both as individuals and through our government, than ever before.

In other words, we have lived through an era where too often short-term gains were prized over long-term prosperity, where we failed to look beyond the next payment, the next quarter, or the next election.

A surplus became an excuse to transfer wealth to the wealthy instead of an opportunity to invest in our future. Regulations...

Regulations -- regulations were gutted for the sake of a quick profit at the expense of a healthy market. People bought homes they knew they couldn't afford from banks and lenders who pushed those bad loans anyway. And all the while, critical debates and difficult decisions were put off for some other time on some other day.

Well, that day of reckoning has arrived, and the time to take charge of our future is here.

Now is the time to act boldly and wisely, to not only revive this economy, but to build a new foundation for lasting prosperity.

Now is the time to jump-start job creation, re-start lending, and invest in areas like energy, health care, and education that will grow our economy, even as we make hard choices to bring our deficit down. That is what my economic agenda is designed to do, and that is what I'd like to talk to you about tonight.

It's an agenda that begins with jobs. As soon...

As soon as I took office, I asked this Congress to send me a recovery plan by Presidents Day that would put people back to work and put money in their pockets, not because I believe in bigger government -- I don't -- not because I'm not mindful of the massive debt we've inherited -- I am.

I called for action because the failure to do so would have cost more jobs and caused more hardships. In fact, a failure to act would have worsened our long-term deficit by assuring weak economic growth for years. And that's why I pushed for quick action.

And tonight I am grateful that this Congress delivered and pleased to say that the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act is now law.

Over -- over the next two years, this plan will save or create 3.5 million jobs. More than 90 percent of these jobs will be in the private sector, jobs rebuilding our roads and bridges, constructing wind turbines and solar panels, laying broadband and expanding mass transit.

Because of this plan, there are teachers who can now keep their jobs and educate our kids. Health care professionals can continue caring for our sick. There are 57 police officers who are still on the streets of Minneapolis, [Minnesota] tonight because this plan prevented the layoffs their department was about to make.

Because of this plan, 95 percent of working households in America will receive a tax cut, a tax cut that you will see in your paychecks beginning on April 1.

Because of this plan, families who are struggling to pay tuition costs will receive a $2,500 tax credit for all four years of college.

And Americans -- and Americans who have lost their jobs in this recession will be able to receive extended unemployment benefits and continued health care coverage to help them weather this storm. Now I know there are some in this chamber and watching at home who are skeptical of whether this plan will work, and I understand that skepticism.

Here in Washington, we've all seen how quickly good intentions can turn into broken promises and wasteful spending. And with a plan of this scale comes enormous responsibility to get it right.

And that's why I've asked Vice President Biden to lead a tough, unprecedented oversight effort, because nobody messes with Joe.

I have told each of my Cabinet, as well as mayors and governors across the country, that they will be held accountable by me and the American people for every dollar they spend.

I've appointed a proven and aggressive inspector general to ferret out any and all cases of waste and fraud.

And we have created a new Web site called recovery.gov so that every American can find out how and where their money is being spent.

So, the recovery plan we passed is the first step in getting our economy back on track, but it is just the first step, because even if we manage this plan flawlessly, there will be no real recovery unless we clean up the credit crisis that has severely weakened our financial system.

I want to speak plainly and candidly about this issue tonight, because every American should know that it directly affects you and your family's well-being. You should also know that the money you've deposited in banks across the country is safe, your insurance is secure. You can rely on the continued operation of our financial system; that's not the source of concern.

The concern is that, if we do not re-start lending in this country, our recovery will be choked off before it even begins. You see, the flow of credit is the lifeblood of our economy. The ability to get a loan is how you finance the purchase of everything from a home to a car to a college education, how stores stock their shelves, farms buy equipment, and businesses make payroll.

But credit has stopped flowing the way it should. Too many bad loans from the housing crisis have made their way onto the books of too many banks. And with so much debt and so little confidence, these banks are now fearful of lending out any more money to households, to businesses, or even to each other.

When there's no lending, families can't afford to buy homes or cars, so businesses are forced to make layoffs. Our economy suffers even more, and credit dries up even further.

That is why this administration is moving swiftly and aggressively to break this destructive cycle, to restore confidence, and restart lending.

And we will do so in several ways. First, we are creating a new lending fund that represents the largest effort ever to help provide auto loans, college loans, and small-business loans to the consumers and entrepreneurs who keep this economy running.

Second -- second, we have launched a housing plan that will help responsible families facing the threat of foreclosure lower their monthly payments and refinance their mortgages.

It's a plan that won't help speculators or that neighbor down the street who bought a house he could never hope to afford, but it will help millions of Americans who are struggling with declining home values, Americans who will now be able to take advantage of the lower interest rates that this plan has already helped to bring about. In fact, the average family who refinances today can save nearly $2,000 per year on their mortgage.

Third, we will act with the full force of the federal government to ensure that the major banks that Americans depend on have enough confidence and enough money to lend even in more difficult times. And when we learn that a major bank has serious problems, we will hold accountable those responsible, force the necessary adjustments, provide the support to clean up their balance sheets, and assure the continuity of a strong, viable institution that can serve our people and our economy.

Now, I understand that, on any given day, Wall Street may be more comforted by an approach that gives bank bailouts with no strings attached and that holds nobody accountable for their reckless decisions, but such an approach won't solve the problem.

And our goal is to quicken the day when we restart lending to the American people and American business and end this crisis once and for all. And I intend to hold these banks fully accountable for the assistance they receive, and this time they will have to clearly demonstrate how taxpayer dollars result in more lending for the American taxpayer.

This time -- this time, CEOs won't be able to use taxpayer money to pad their paychecks, or buy fancy drapes, or disappear on a private jet. Those days are over.

Still, this plan will require significant resources from the federal government and, yes, probably more than we've already set aside. But while the cost of action will be great, I can assure you that the cost of inaction will be far greater, for it could result in an economy that sputters along for not months or years, but perhaps a decade.

That would be worse for our deficit, worse for business, worse for you, and worse for the next generation. And I refuse to let that happen.

Now, I understand that when the last administration asked this Congress to provide assistance for struggling banks, Democrats and Republicans alike were infuriated by the mismanagement and the results that followed. So were the American taxpayers; so was I.

So I know how unpopular it is to be seen as helping banks right now, especially when everyone is suffering in part from their bad decisions. I promise you: I get it.

But I also know that, in a time of crisis, we cannot afford to govern out of anger or yield to the politics of the moment.

My job -- our job -- is to solve the problem. Our job is to govern with a sense of responsibility.

I will not send -- I will not spend a single penny for the purpose of rewarding a single Wall Street executive, but I will do whatever it takes to help the small business that can't pay its workers or the family that has saved and still can't get a mortgage.

That's what this is about. It's not about helping banks; it's about helping people.

It's not about helping banks; it's about helping people. Because when credit is available again, that young family can finally buy a new home. And then some company will hire workers to build it. And then those workers will have money to spend. And if they can get a loan, too, maybe they'll finally buy that car or open their own business.

Investors will return to the market, and American families will see their retirement secured once more. Slowly, but surely, confidence will return, and our economy will recover.

So -- so I ask this Congress to join me in doing whatever proves necessary, because we cannot consign our nation to an open-ended recession. And to ensure that a crisis of this magnitude never happens again, I ask Congress to move quickly on legislation that will finally reform our outdated regulatory system.

It is time. It is time.

It is time to put in place tough, new common-sense rules of the road so that our financial market rewards drive and innovation and punishes shortcuts and abuse.

The recovery plan and the financial stability plan are the immediate steps we're taking to revive our economy in the short term, but the only way to fully restore America's economic strength is to make the long-term investments that will lead to new jobs, new industries, and a renewed ability to compete with the rest of the world.

The only way this century will be another American century is if we confront at last the price of our dependence on oil and the high cost of health care, the schools that aren't preparing our children and the mountain of debt they stand to inherit. That is our responsibility.

In the next few days, I will submit a budget to Congress. So often, we've come to view these documents as simply numbers on a page or a laundry list of programs.

I see this document differently. I see it as a vision for America, as a blueprint for our future.

My budget does not attempt to solve every problem or address every issue. It reflects the stark reality of what we've inherited: a trillion-dollar deficit, a financial crisis, and a costly recession.

Given these realities, everyone in this chamber -- Democrats and Republicans -- will have to sacrifice some worthy priorities for which there are no dollars, and that includes me.

But that does not mean we can afford to ignore our long-term challenges.

I reject the view that says our problems will simply take care of themselves, that says government has no role in laying the foundation for our common prosperity, for history tells a different story.

History reminds us that, at every moment of economic upheaval and transformation, this nation has responded with bold action and big ideas.

In the midst of civil war, we laid railroad tracks from one coast to another that spurred commerce and industry.

From the turmoil of the Industrial Revolution came a system of public high schools that prepared our citizens for a new age.

In the wake of war and depression, the GI Bill sent a generation to college and created the largest middle-class in history.

And a twilight struggle for freedom led to a nation of highways, an American on the moon, and an explosion of technology that still shapes our world.

In each case, government didn't supplant private enterprise; it catalyzed private enterprise. It created the conditions for thousands of entrepreneurs and new businesses to adapt and to thrive.

We are a nation that has seen promise amid peril and claimed opportunity from ordeal. Now we must be that nation again.

That is why, even as it cuts back on programs we don't need, the budget I submit will invest in the three areas that are absolutely critical to our economic future: energy, health care, and education.

It begins with energy.

We know the country that harnesses the power of clean, renewable energy will lead the 21st century. And yet it is China that has launched the largest effort in history to make their economy energy efficient. We invented solar technology, but we've fallen behind countries like Germany and Japan in producing it. New plug-in hybrids roll off our assembly lines, but they will run on batteries made in Korea.

Well, I do not accept a future where the jobs and industries of tomorrow take root beyond our borders, and I know you don't, either. It is time for America to lead again.

Thanks to our recovery plan, we will double this nation's supply of renewable energy in the next three years. We've also made the largest investment in basic research funding in American history, an investment that will spur not only new discoveries in energy, but breakthroughs in medicine, in science and technology.

We will soon lay down thousands of miles of power lines that can carry new energy to cities and towns across this country. And we will put Americans to work making our homes and buildings more efficient so that we can save billions of dollars on our energy bills.

But to truly transform our economy, to protect our security and save our planet from the ravages of climate change, we need to ultimately make clean, renewable energy the profitable kind of energy.

So I ask this Congress to send me legislation that places a market-based cap on carbon pollution and drives the production of more renewable energy in America. That's what we need.

And to support -- to support that innovation, we will invest $15 billion a year to develop technologies like wind power and solar power, advanced biofuels, clean coal, and more efficient cars and trucks built right here in America.

Speaking of our auto industry, everyone recognizes that years of bad decision-making and a global recession have pushed our automakers to the brink. We should not and will not protect them from their own bad practices.

But we are committed to the goal of a re-tooled, re-imagined auto industry that can compete and win. Millions of jobs depend on it; scores of communities depend on it; and I believe the nation that invented the automobile cannot walk away from it.

Now, none of this will come without cost, nor will it be easy. But this is America. We don't do what's easy. We do what's necessary to move this country forward.

And for that same reason, we must also address the crushing cost of health care.

This is a cost that now causes a bankruptcy in America every 30 seconds. By the end of the year, it could cause 1.5 million Americans to lose their homes. In the last eight years, premiums have grown four times faster than wages. And in each of these years, 1 million more Americans have lost their health insurance.

It is one of the major reasons why small businesses close their doors and corporations ship jobs overseas. And it is one of the largest and fastest-growing parts of our budget.

Given these facts, we can no longer afford to put health care reform on hold. We can't afford to do it.

It's time.

Already, we've done more to advance the cause of health care reform in the last 30 days than we've done in the last decade. When it was days old, this Congress passed a law to provide and protect health insurance for 11 million American children whose parents work full-time.

Our recovery plan will invest in electronic health records and new technology that will reduce errors, bring down costs, ensure privacy, and save lives.

It will launch a new effort to conquer a disease that has touched the life of nearly every American, including me, by seeking a cure for cancer in our time.

And -- and it makes the largest investment ever in preventive care, because that's one of the best ways to keep our people healthy and our costs under control.

This budget builds on these reforms. It includes a historic commitment to comprehensive health care reform, a down payment on the principle that we must have quality, affordable health care for every American. It's a commitment

It's a commitment that's paid for in part by efficiencies in our system that are long overdue, and it's a step we must take if we hope to bring down our deficit in the years to come.

Now, there will be many different opinions and ideas about how to achieve reform. That's why I'm bringing together businesses and workers, doctors and health care providers, Democrats and Republicans to begin work on this issue next week.

I suffer no illusions that this will be an easy process. Once again, it will be hard. But I also know that nearly a century after Teddy Roosevelt first called for reform, the cost of our health care has weighed down our economy and our conscience long enough.

So let there be no doubt: Health care reform cannot wait, it must not wait, and it will not wait another year.

The third challenge we must address is the urgent need to expand the promise of education in America.

In a global economy, where the most valuable skill you can sell is your knowledge, a good education is no longer just a pathway to opportunity. It is a prerequisite.

Right now, three-quarters of the fastest-growing occupations require more than a high school diploma, and yet just over half of our citizens have that level of education. We have one of the highest high school dropout rates of any industrialized nation, and half of the students who begin college never finish.

This is a prescription for economic decline, because we know the countries that out-teach us today will out-compete us tomorrow. That is why it will be the goal of this administration to ensure that every child has access to a complete and competitive education, from the day they are born to the day they begin a career. That is a promise we have to make to the children of America.

Already, we've made a historic investment in education through the economic recovery plan. We've dramatically expanded early childhood education and will continue to improve its quality, because we know that the most formative learning comes in those first years of life.

We've made college affordable for nearly 7 million more students, 7 million. And we have provided the resources necessary to prevent painful cuts and teacher layoffs that would set back our children's progress.

But we know that our schools don't just need more resources; they need more reform. And that is why...

That is why this budget creates new teachers -- new incentives for teacher performance, pathways for advancement, and rewards for success. We'll invest -- we'll invest in innovative programs that are already helping schools meet high standards and close achievement gaps. And we will expand our commitment to charter schools.

It is...It is our responsibility as lawmakers and as educators to make this system work, but it is the responsibility of every citizen to participate in it.

So tonight I ask every American to commit to at least one year or more of higher education or career training. This can be a community college or a four-year school, vocational training or an apprenticeship. But whatever the training may be, every American will need to get more than a high school diploma.

And dropping out of high school is no longer an option. It's not just quitting on yourself; it's quitting on your country. And this country needs and values the talents of every American.

That's why -- that's why we will support -- we will provide the support necessary for all young Americans to complete college and meet a new goal: By 2020, America will once again have the highest proportion of college graduates in the world. That is a goal we can meet.

That's a goal we can meet.

Now -- now, I know that the price of tuition is higher than ever, which is why, if you are willing to volunteer in your neighborhood or give back to your community or serve your country, we will make sure that you can afford a higher education.

And to encourage a renewed spirit of national service for this and future generations, I ask Congress to send me the bipartisan legislation that bears the name of Sen. Orrin Hatch, as well as an American who has never stopped asking what he can do for his country, Sen. Edward Kennedy.

These education policies will open the doors of opportunity for our children, but it is up to us to ensure they walk through them.

In the end, there is no program or policy that can substitute for a parent, for a mother or father who will attend those parent-teacher conferences, or help with homework, or turn off the TV, put away the video games, read to their child.

I speak to you not just as a president, but as a father, when I say that responsibility for our children's education must begin at home. That is not a Democratic issue or a Republican issue. That's an American issue.

And there is, of course, another responsibility we have to our children, and that's the responsibility to ensure that we do not pass on to them a debt they cannot pay. That is critical.

I agree, absolutely.

See, I know we can get some consensus in here.

With the deficit we inherited, the cost of the crisis we face, and the long-term challenges we must meet, it has never been more important to ensure that, as our economy recovers, we do what it takes to bring this deficit down. That is critical.

Now, I'm proud that we passed a recovery plan free of earmarks, and I want to pass a budget next year that ensures that each dollar we spend reflects only our most important national priorities.

And yesterday, I -- I held a fiscal summit where I pledged to cut the deficit in half by the end of my first term in office. My administration has also begun to go line by line through the federal budget in order to eliminate wasteful and ineffective programs.

As you can imagine, this is a process that will take some time, but we have already identified $2 trillion in savings over the next decade.

In this budget, we will end education programs that don't work and end direct payments to large agribusinesses that don't need them.

We'll eliminate the no-bid contracts that have wasted billions in Iraq and -- and reform our defense budget so that we're not paying for Cold War-era weapons systems we don't use.

We will root out -- we will root out the waste and fraud and abuse in our Medicare program that doesn't make our seniors any healthier. We will restore a sense of fairness and balance to our tax code by finally ending the tax breaks for corporations that ship our jobs overseas.

In order to save our children from a future of debt, we will also end the tax breaks for the wealthiest 2 percent of Americans.

Now, let me be clear. Let me be absolutely clear, because I know you'll end up hearing some of the same claims that rolling back these tax breaks means a massive tax increase on the American people. If your family earns less than $250,000 a year, a quarter-million dollars a year, you will not see your taxes increased a single dime. I repeat: not one single dime.

In fact -- not a dime.

In fact -- in fact, the recovery plan provides a tax cut -- that's right, a tax cut -- for 95 percent of working families. And, by the way, these checks are on the way.

Now, to preserve our long-term fiscal health, we must also address the growing cost in Medicare and Social Security. Comprehensive health care reform is the best way to strengthen Medicare for years to come, and we must also begin a conversation on how to do the same for Social Security, while creating tax-free universal savings accounts for all Americans.

Finally, because we're also suffering from a deficit of trust, I am committed to restoring a sense of honesty and accountability to our budget. That is why this budget looks ahead 10 years and accounts for spending that was left out under the old rules and, for the first time, that includes the full cost of fighting in Iraq and Afghanistan.

For seven years, we've been a nation at war. No longer will we hide its price.

Along with our outstanding national security team, I am now carefully reviewing our policies in both wars, and I will soon announce a way forward in Iraq that leaves Iraq to its people and responsibly ends this war.

And with our friends and allies, we will forge a new and comprehensive strategy for Afghanistan and Pakistan to defeat al Qaeda and combat extremism, because I will not allow terrorists to plot against the American people from safe havens halfway around the world. We will not allow it.

As we meet here tonight, our men and women in uniform stand watch abroad and more are readying to deploy. To each and every one of them, and to the families who bear the quiet burden of their absence, Americans are united in sending one message: We honor your service; we are inspired by your sacrifice; and you have our unyielding support.

To relieve the strain on our forces, my budget increases the number of our soldiers and Marines. And to keep our sacred trust with those who serve, we will raise their pay and give our veterans the expanded health care and benefits that they have earned.

To overcome extremism, we must also be vigilant in upholding the values our troops defend, because there is no force in the world more powerful than the example of America. And that is why I have ordered the closing of the detention center at Guantanamo Bay and will seek swift and certain justice for captured terrorists, because living our values doesn't make us weaker. It makes us safer, and it makes us stronger.

And that is why I can stand here tonight and say without exception or equivocation that the United States of America does not torture. We can make that commitment here tonight.

In words and deeds, we are showing the world that a new era of engagement has begun, for we know that America cannot meet the threats of this century alone, but the world cannot meet them without America.

We cannot shun the negotiating table nor ignore the foes or forces that could do us harm. We are instead called to move forward with the sense of confidence and candor that serious times demand.

To seek progress towards a secure and lasting peace between Israel and her neighbors, we have appointed an envoy to sustain our effort. To meet the challenges of the 21st century -- from terrorism to nuclear proliferation, from pandemic disease to cyber threats to crushing poverty -- we will strengthen old alliances, forge new ones, and use all elements of our national power.

And to respond to an economic crisis that is global in scope, we are working with the nations of the G-20 to restore confidence in our financial system, avoid the possibility of escalating protectionism, and spur demand for American goods in markets across the globe, for the world depends on us having a strong economy, just as our economy depends on the strength of the world's.

As we stand at this crossroads of history, the eyes of all people in all nations are once again upon us, watching to see what we do with this moment, waiting for us to lead.

Those of us gathered here tonight have been called to govern in extraordinary times. It is a tremendous burden, but also a great privilege, one that has been entrusted to few generations of Americans, for in our hands lies the ability to shape our world, for good or for ill.

I know that it's easy to lose sight of this truth, to become cynical and doubtful, consumed with the petty and the trivial.

But in my life, I have also learned that hope is found in unlikely places, that inspiration often comes not from those with the most power or celebrity, but from the dreams and aspirations of ordinary Americans who are anything but ordinary.

I think of Leonard Abess, a bank president from Miami who reportedly cashed out of his company, took a $60 million bonus, and gave it out to all 399 people who worked for him, plus another 72 who used to work for him. He didn't tell anyone, but when the local newspaper found out, he simply said, "I knew some of these people since I was 7 years old. I didn't feel right getting the money myself."

I think about -- I think about Greensburg -- Greensburg, Kansas, a town that was completely destroyed by a tornado, but is being rebuilt by its residents as a global example of how clean energy can power an entire community, how it can bring jobs and businesses to a place where piles of bricks and rubble once lay.

"The tragedy was terrible," said one of the men who helped them rebuild. "But the folks here know that it also provided an incredible opportunity."

I think about Ty'Sheoma Bethea, the young girl from that school I visited in Dillon, South Carolina, a place where the ceilings leak, the paint peels off the walls, and they have to stop teaching six times a day because the train barrels by their classroom.

She had been told that her school is hopeless. But the other day after class, she went to the public library and typed up a letter to the people sitting in this chamber. She even asked her principal for the money to buy a stamp.

The letter asks us for help and says, "We are just students trying to become lawyers, doctors, congressmen like yourself, and one day president, so we can make a change to not just the state of South Carolina, but also the world. We are not quitters."

That's what she said: "We are not quitters."

These words and these stories tell us something about the spirit of the people who sent us here. They tell us that, even in the most trying times, amid the most difficult circumstances, there is a generosity, a resilience, a decency, and a determination that perseveres, a willingness to take responsibility for our future and for posterity.

Their resolve must be our inspiration. Their concerns must be our cause. And we must show them and all our people that we are equal to the task before us.

I know that we haven't agreed on every issue thus far.

There are surely times in the future where we will part ways. But I also know that every American who is sitting here tonight loves this country and wants it to succeed.

I know that.

That must be the starting point for every debate we have in the coming months and where we return after those debates are done. That is the foundation on which the American people expect us to build common ground.

And if we do, if we come together and lift this nation from the depths of this crisis, if we put our people back to work and restart the engine of our prosperity, if we confront without fear the challenges of our time and summon that enduring spirit of an America that does not quit, then some day, years from now, our children can tell their children that this was the time when we performed, in the words that are carved into this very chamber, "something worthy to be remembered."

Thank you. God bless you. And may God bless the United States of America. Thank you.

Tuesday

New System for 2009 Bar Examinations

Republic of the Philippines
SUPREME COURT
Manila

B.M. No. 1161 February 3, 2009

Re: Proposed Reform in the Bar Examinations

Sirs/Mesdames:

Quoted hereunder, for your information, is a resolution of this Court dated February 3, 2009.

"Bar Matter No. 1161.- Re: Proposed Reform in the Bar Examinations. - The Court Resolved, upon the recommendation of the Committee on Legal Education and Bar Matters, to APPROVE, the proposal of Atty. Ma, Cristina B. Layusa, Deputy Clerk of Court and Bar Confidant, regarding the (1) implementation of Paragraph 4 Part B of Bar Matter No. 1161, or the designation of two (2) examiner per Bar subject; and (2) increase in the honorarium of the examiners from P130.00 to P200.00 per booklet.

Hence, every Bar subject shall be divided into two (2) parts - Part I and Part II. Each examiner shall be assigned a specific scope from which to formulate his/her questions. The time allotted for each Bar subject of four (4) hours for the morning subjects and three (3) hours for the afternoon subjects shall not change. In answering the questions, the Bar examinees have the discretion in utilizing the time allotted for answering. Thus they may opt to begin answering a particular part of the examination which he or she feels is relatively easier that the others.

As with the previous Bar examinations, only one set of test questionnaire and one examination booklet for each Bar subject shall be given to each Bar examinee. Each examination booklet shall also be divided into two (2) parts, marked as Part I and Part II, where the answers are to be written corresponding to Part I and Part II of the questionnaire, respectively. A separated card for the grades or rating received by the Bar examinee for each part of the examination shall be attached to the front cover of the booklets marked as Part I and Part II. Upon review and correction of the two examiners' respective part of the examination, the attached card shall be detached immediately thereafter before transmittal to the other examiner for review and correction of the other part of the examination. This is to ensure that the other examiner would not be influenced by the grade or rating given by the other.

In this connection, there shall be an increase in the honorarium of the Bar examiners from P130.00 to 200.00 per booklet per Bar subject or P100 per booklet per examiner." (adv132)

Very truly yours,



(Sgd.)
MA. LUISA D. VILLARAMA
Clerk of Court

Sunday

Filipino World War II Veterans and the U.S. Equity Bill


At long last, some RIGHTFUL RECOGNITION!

Luck may be on the side of the Filipino veterans this Friday the 13th, as the United States House of Representatives voted on the stimulus package, the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009, which included the release of $198-M to make a one-time lump sum pay of $15,000 to each of the Filipino World War II veterans who are United States citizens and $9,000 to each of the veterans, who are not US citizens and are mostly living in the Philippines. The law also protects eligibility for benefits currently received by veterans.

Although it is a victory for the Filipino veterans, it is still short of the equal recognition requested by the Filipino veterans and their families, who fought during World War II under the joint Philippine and American flag. However, for the veterans, now in their 80's and 90's, even though this is less than what they have asked, it is still better than none.

The Filipino veterans' Calvary started in 1946, when, after the 2nd World War, the U.S. Congress enacted into law the Rescission Act, which is a complete renegation of the promise made by the late President Franklin Roosevelt in 1941, when he called upon the Filipinos to fight side-by-side with the Americans to protect its colony in the Pacific. After the war, the United States granted Philippine independence, the U.S. government deprived the veterans of the promised benefits. It said the veterans were now the new Philippine government’s problem.

Thus, ever since that day, the remaining Filipino war veterans are fighting to regain their honor and at least get the recognition they so deserve. With less than 20,000 of them still alive, I strongly request the United States government, particularly President Barack Obama to include the sad plight of the people who fought for the very freedom we enjoy today, in their goal to revive the economy. In the time of economic downturns, those who are most vulnerable are those who cannot fend for themselves. It is this reason why veterans deserve more attention today. The prohibitive cost of medical treatment, especially in their age and condition, highlights the reason for strong and immediate action.

I rightfully commend the efforts of the Democrats in the the Capitol. They are truly our partners since the beginning. But this humble representation strongly supports the passage of the Filipino Equities Bill for a genuine recognition of the heroism protrayed by those gallant and brave men, who fought side-by-side, balikatan, with the American servicemen during World War II, in defense of the thing we cherish the most, our freedom.
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